Violeta Chamorro
President of Nicaragua
Violeta Chamorro
Violeta Barrios Torres de Chamorro is a Nicaraguan political leader, former president and publisher. She became president of Nicaragua on April 25, 1990, when she unseated Daniel Ortega. She was supported by many, including a fourteen-party anti-Sandinista alliance known as the National Opposition Union (Unión Nacional Oppositora, UNO), an alliance that ranged from conservatives and liberals to communists. She left office on January 10, 1997.
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Nicaragua: Una historia de éxito en ciernes
Huffington Post - over 1 year
Otaviano Canuto y Manuel Coronel Nicaragua es bastante más que un exuberante destino del turista internacional. Es un país que se está convirtiendo - y marquen nuestras palabras- en la historia de éxito más reciente del hemisferio occidental. Permítanos decirle el por qué. Nicaragua ya es una historia de éxito de un país post-conflicto en el que la paz se ha asentado para perdurar. Los últimos disparos de "la guerra de la contra" (1982-1990) contra el entonces gobierno Sandinista se escucharon hace 25 años, cuando la mitad de los Nicaragüenses de hoy, aún no había nacido. La otra mitad, los de la generación de la guerra, de manera muy pragmática, se ha reconciliado. Tomando así sus diferencias del campo de batalla al terreno político. El Nicaragüense de hoy - y lo vemos en las encuestas- aborrece la violencia y el conflicto y vive contento y con mucha esperanza en lo que le depara el futuro. Muchos, ejerciendo sus libertades, hasta han cambiado sus banderas para hacer alianza ...
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Nicaragua: A Success Story in the Making
Huffington Post - over 1 year
This post was co-authored by Manuel Coronel Nicaragua is far more than just the newest and swankiest destination for world travelers. It is -and mark our words - on its way to becoming the latest success story in the western hemisphere. Let us just tell you why. Nicaragua already is a post-conflict-state success story where peace has become deep-seated and long lasting. The last shots of the "contra" war (1982-1990) against the Sandinista government were heard 25 years ago when close to half of today's Nicaraguans hadn't even been born. The other half, the war generation, has - quite pragmatically - reconciled, taking their differences to the political landscape. Today's Nicaraguans abhor violence and conflict and stand hopeful and happy about their future prospects. Many, exercising their freedoms, have even flipped sides making alliances with their former foes, or have simply detached themselves from politics to savor the longest time-span of peace they have ever lived in. ...
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Nicaragua Leader Wants To Remove Presidential Term Limit
Huffington Post - over 3 years
MANAGUA, Nicaragua -- MANAGUA, Nicaragua (AP) — Nicaraguan lawmakers on Wednesday began studying a proposal by President Daniel Ortega to remove an article in the constitution intended to bar consecutive presidential terms. The country's highest court already allowed Ortega to be elected to a second, consecutive term, but an analyst said the president probably wants to remove the wording from the charter to solidify that ruling and undercut criticism of his re-election. National Assembly secretary Alba Palacios said she and six other lawmakers have formed a commission that will study the proposal and then present its opinion to the full assembly by December. It will consult with representatives of the police, army, business community and unions as well as Supreme Court justices, the Roman Catholic Church, law professors and political figures, Palacios said. The constitution article in question prohibits consecutive presidential terms, but in 2010 the Supreme Court overturned the ban ...
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Daniel Ortega, el eterno populista - Las Provincias
Google News - over 5 years
Durante el periodo 1990-2006, Daniel Ortega estuvo en la oposición a los gobiernos de Violeta Chamorro, Arnoldo Alemán y Enrique Bolaños, justo en un periodo de tiempo en que tenía lugar la caída del bloque comunista y las ideas de izquierda se
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Informática cubana - Analítica.com
Google News - over 5 years
... integra al personal de la Misión Médica cubana para tender los temas informáticos” Ya lo dijo Fidel Castro cuando los sandinistas perdieron la elección presidencial que dio paso al gobierno de Violeta Chamorro: “Nunca más “perderemos” una elección
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El camaleónico Daniel Ortega - Prensa Libre
Google News - over 5 years
Perdió la votación frente a Violeta Chamorro. En las elecciones de 1996, frente al expresidente Arnoldo Alemán (1997-2001), Ortega volvió a cambiar de look. Apareció con camisas floreadas y se promocionaba como un “gallo ennavajado”
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El totalitarismo no sabe perder - La Historia Paralela
Google News - over 5 years
Notorio fue el trauma que ocasionó entre las fuerzas de izquierda la derrota sandinista en Nicaragua en las elecciones de 1990 frente a la candidata opositora Violeta Chamorro. Los comandantes de Managua, que tal vez pensaban seguir los pasos de sus
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Salzburg Journal, Part I - National Review Online
Google News - over 5 years
Sitting at the bar of the Intercontinental Hotel in Managua (I believe), she was “one bummed showbiz lefty” — because her man Ortega had just lost to the democrat Violeta Chamorro. La Bianca is not a young chick anymore, but she still has a touch of
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Referente Periodístico - NTR Zacatecas .com
Google News - over 5 years
Algunos países en América Latina han tenido y tienen presidentas: Nicaragua tuvo a Violeta Chamorro; Chile, a Michell Bachelett; ahora mismo, Argentina tiene a Cristina Fernández de Kircher y, recientemente, Brasil, a Dilma Rousseff, entre otros países
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Candidato opositor nicaragüense ofrece menos impuestos y seguir con Venezuela - EFE
Google News - over 5 years
Gadea, de 79 años, lleva como compañero de fórmula al disidente sandinista Edmundo Jarquín, de 64 años y yerno de la expresidenta Violeta Chamorro (1990-1997). Jarquín, como candidato del MRS, quedó penúltimo entre los cinco aspirantes a presidente en
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ATRAPADOS EN LAS ENCUESTAS - UnomásUno
Google News - over 5 years
Y en Nicaragua, en 1990, las encuestas decían que ganaría el Frente Sandinista y al final ganó su oponente la señora Violeta Chamorro. Y así hasta nuestros días. En fin, que se trata de un mal saldo. Y el verdadero problema no es nada de eso pues
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Antidietas, ¿son efectivas? - ABC Color
Google News - over 5 years
Es todo el placer en pequeñas porciones”, explica la nutricionista Sonia Guetting, quien junto a su colega Patricia López y la sicóloga Violeta Chamorro llevan adelante esta modalidad, que busca que las pacientes logren el objetivo de verse y sentirse
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$35 Billion of Oil Plus an "Uncontacted" Tribe Equals Coverup - truthout
Google News - over 5 years
Yes, he said, he told Daimi representative Violeta Chamorro, but it didn't appear in the report. There was even more evidence than this, he said, but he didn't have it on hand. Grandez was especially critical of how little time he had to investigate:
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Transiciones, demoledores, relojeros y radicales - El Universal (Venezuela)
Google News - over 5 years
El 27 de febrero de 1989, en el Palacio de Miraflores de Caracas, la alianza opositora UNO aprobó la candidatura de Violeta Chamorro. Los sandinistas pierden categóricamente en 1990 unas "elecciones de apertura" como las llamaría Lamounier
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Destacan que la transición política requiere flexibilidad - El Universal (Venezuela)
Google News - over 5 years
Recordó que Violeta Chamorro al poco tiempo de lograr el triunfo en Nicaragua (1990) se distanció de la agrupación política que la respaldó en la campaña porque ese sector "quería ver sangre", es decir, aupaba el establecimiento de medidas duras,
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Nicaragua May Revive $17B Claim Against US - KOAT Albuquerque
Google News - over 5 years
The United States, which did not recognize the jurisdiction of the court in this case, resisted international pressure to pay, and eventually, under the administration of President Violeta Chamorro, Nicaragua dropped its claim from the International
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Ortega dejará a Granera y mandos policiales - lajornadanet
Google News - over 5 years
El otro hecho social significativo se dio en Febrero de 1990, cuando Ortega era aclamado por sus seguidores que le mostraban fidelidad al voto, pero a los pocos días perdía las elecciones presidenciales, ante doña Violeta Chamorro. ... - -
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Timeline
Learn about memorable moments in the evolution of Violeta Chamorro
    LATE_ADULTHOOD
  • 1997
    Age 67
    Chamorro retired from politics after her presidential term ended in 1997.
    More Details Hide Details In July of the same year, she established a foundation bearing her name which she chaired with the goal of creating developmental projects to strengthen peace initiatives. She joined the Carter Center's Council of Presidents and Prime Ministers of the Americas Program which works for co-operation and peace throughout the Americas. She suffered from poor health and had several surgeries to correct problems with osteoporosis. During her presidential campaign, she was on crutches most of the time due to a fractured kneecap as a result of her osteoporosis. She later developed a brain tumor, which has kept her out of public life.
    After leaving office on 10 January 1997, Chamorro worked on several international peace initiatives until poor health forced her to retire from public life.
    More Details Hide Details Violeta Barrios Torres was born on 18 October 1929 in Rivas, a small city near the Nicaraguan border with Costa Rica, to Carlos José Barrios Sacasa and Amalia Torres Hurtado. Her family and was wealthy and conservative, and although she has often been claimed by reporters such as Richard Boudreaux of the The Los Angeles Times, Garrick Utley of NBC, Stephen Kinzer of The New York Times, Lee Hockstader of The Washington Post, and other papers to be part of the Nicaraguan aristocracy, in truth, her family had large landholdings and cattle. They were more akin to the cattle barons of the western United States, than the "Nicaraguan Gloria Vanderbilt", she was sometimes styled as in the American press. She attended primary school at the Sagrado Corazón de Jesús (Sacred Heart of Jesus) school in Rivas and the French school in Granada. Barrios began her secondary education at the Colegio La Inmaculada in Managua and then transferred to an American boarding school, as her parents wanted her to perfect her English.
  • 1995
    Age 65
    Besides the economic issues which plagued the country, the constitutional crisis which occurred in 1995 posed a significant threat to maintaining peace.
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  • 1992
    Age 62
    Since only 5.8% of the former officers had received benefits by early 1992, there was a feeling that those who had political favor had either kept their jobs in the 14% of the military which was retained or received their promised compensation.
    More Details Hide Details Between April and December 1992, a series of strikes were held in protest of the situation. Pockets of army veterans ("recompas") and resistance veterans ("recontras") threatened to re-arm, but realizing they had the same issues, the two sides joined forces. To pacify the groups, Chamorro integrated some of the former Contra fighters into the rural police services and established a Civil Inspectorate to investigate claims of police abuses and human rights violations. She also allowed the Sandinista's agrarian reform movement's redistribution of land to be maintained and expanded it on the Caribbean coast to meet veterans' demands. That move created conflict with the Caribbean indigenous people and infringed on forestry reserves leading to criticism. Others who had received land from the Sandinistas began to return their co-operative land titles to the large landholders who had owned them before the reforms, or simply to sell their portions to opportunists. Unable to solve the problem, Chamorro dealt with the most egregious claims and then turned the issue over to the courts to resolve individual disputes.
  • 1991
    Age 61
    By 1991 the austerity measures adopted by Chamorro's administration were leading to massive strikes.
    More Details Hide Details Chamorro chose to recognize the workers' right to 25% of the shares of privatized state enterprises despite of the disapproval that generated both at home and abroad. The Sandinistas, who had removed some of the businesses from the private sector during their administration were not in favor of privatization, but they were in favor of workers sharing in the revenues. The far-right of her own coalition was against making labor compromises of any kind. The US embassy and United States Agency for International Development both voiced displeasure at the concessions and speed with which the economic plan was being implemented. In spite of the other programs implemented, inflation was reduced by the renegotiation of the country's debt (called for by the Lacayo Plan). Through negotiations, Nicaragua was able to obtain a writedown of 75% of their international debt on the condition that they had no arrears. As noted previously, the US assisted Nicaragua in paying off the past-due debt to the IMF, the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank through bridge loans and negotiating a 95% writedown of debts owed to Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela. These measures provided the means to end hyperinflation and reopen monetary markets, but they were overshadowed by high unemployment, underemployment and an overall recession. The trade deficit rose and GNP declined, and overall, low wages, reductions of education and health services caused poverty to escalate, and social tensions to rise.
    Chamorro's presidency saw decreasing US interest in Nicaragua to the point that when Chamorro traveled to the US in April 1991 to ask Congress for more economic aid, few members even showed up to listen to her.
    More Details Hide Details Because the Sandinistas were no longer a threat and peace talks were being established, US foreign policymakers were much less concerned with Nicaragua than with the Middle East. Hoping to improve relations, Chamorro's administration repealled the law that required the country to seek compensation in the case of Nicaragua v. United States, which had long been contentious, and withdrew the suit. The United States had refused to recognise the judgment of the International Court of Justice, which had found five years earlier that the US had violated international law by sponsoring the Contras and ordered reparations to be made. In 1992, Senator Jesse Helms attempted to cut off financial aid to Nicaragua. In his report to the Senate, he stated that the Sandinistas were still controlling much of the Nicaraguan administration and suggested that the Nicaraguan government replace all former Sandinista officers with ex-Contras, replace all judges, and return all property that was taken from US citizens during the revolution. Chamorro's administration denied Helm's allegations while still trying to comply with his demands. Helms managed to sway opinion in Congress and the US government denied Nicaragua the $104 million that had been promised for that year. The aid was cut-off and Helms' demands were put forward the month after Chamorro withdrew the compensation claims associated with the Nicaragua vs. United States verdict.
  • 1990
    Age 60
    Some people in Chamorro's campaign team were hoping to get $1 billion in aid from the United States to help rebuild the country after the years of civil war, but the Bush administration instead gave $300 million to the country in the first year of Chamorro's presidency, 1990, and $241 million the year after.
    More Details Hide Details Given the devastation that Nicaragua had faced, this aid was not enough to make any serious improvement and the renegotiated loans created even more debt.
    Two months after the election, on 25 April 1990, Chamorro was sworn into office.
    More Details Hide Details The ceremony, held at the Rigoberto López Pérez Stadium before a crowd of some 20,000, marked the first time in more than five decades that a sitting government had peacefully surrendered power to the opposition. It was also the first time governmental change had been the result of a free election with substantial popular participation. With the exception of the promise to end the war, Chamorro did not present a political platform. UNO had been unable to agree on specifics, as its membership ranged from the far left to the far right, making their plan one of running against whatever the Sandinistas were for. Social scientists who analyzed the elections, concluded that the results were rational in the context that ending the war would also end the psychological threat that the US, which had recently invaded Panama and had been heavily involved in Nicaragua, might invade the country. Sandinistan analysts confirmed these findings, determining that they had lost touch with what their constituency wanted. Marvin Ortega, who had conducted polls prior to the election, conceded that voters did not vote "with their stomachs", even though the economic situation was dire, but voted against war and the repression of their liberties. The years of Violeta Chamorro initiate a period of significant economic and social decline for Nicaragua. From 1990 to 2001, the country fell from 60th to 116th in the world in terms of human development, and has become the poorest of America after Haiti, according to United Nations Development Programme.
    When Chamorro was sworn in to office on 25 April 1990, it was the first time in more than five decades that a peaceful transition of power had occurred in Nicaragua and the first time that one elected president had given way to another.
    More Details Hide Details She inherited a hyperinflated, war-torn economy, but she was able to end the war and establish a lasting peace. Chamorro's leadership covered six difficult years marked by economic strife and social unrest, but she was able to compromise with rivals, maintain a constitutional regime, re-establish international banking relationships and end the hyperinflation that had plagued the country for several years.
    On 25 February 1990, Chamorro won the election with a 54.7% share of the vote, ousting the incumbent Ortega and becoming the first elected woman president in the Americas.
    More Details Hide Details Because the election was held in the midst of a civil war, it was important both domestically and internationally that the vote was seen to be legitimate. The Esquipulas Peace Agreement which had been brokered by Arias, called for monitoring of elections by the Organization of American States and the United Nations, among other provisions. The election was the most strictly monitored of any in Latin America and involved 2,578 international observers among them former US President Jimmy Carter; Raul Alfonsín, former President of Argentina; Alfonso López Michelsen, former President of Colombia; Rodrigo Carazo Odio, former President of Costa Rica and many Caribbean and US dignitaries. Ortega and his supporters conceded defeat without argument and observers left only a skeleton staff to assist with the transition of power.
    Despite polls indicating a victory for the incumbent Sandinista President Ortega, Chamorro won the election on 25 February 1990, becoming the first elected female head of state in the Americas.
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    Under her direction, La Prensa continued to criticize the government and its policies despite threats and government-forced shutdowns. When Daniel Ortega announced that elections would be held in 1990, Chamorro was selected as the candidate for the opposition group known as the National Opposition Union (UNO).
    More Details Hide Details This 14-party alliance ranged from conservatives and liberals to communists and because of idealistic differences had difficulty in devising any political platform other than a promise to end the war.
  • FIFTIES
  • 1989
    Age 59
    By 1989, efforts by Costa Rican President Óscar Arias and other Central American leaders had persuaded Ortega to hold elections.
    More Details Hide Details He agreed not only to free elections, but to the monitoring of the process. The conglomerate of opposition, now calling itself the National Opposition Union (UNO) agreed upon a formula to select a consensus candidate. After five rounds of voting, Chamorro was appointed the presidential candidate for UNO. Her platform primarily consisted of two key promises: ending the civil war and ending mandatory military service. It also played heavily on her simplicity, her faith, common sense, and the image of her being the "queen-mother" and the wife of a martyr. Almost all news outlets reported that Chamorro could not win. She was depicted as rich with no real experience. There were rumors that she received millions from the United States via their embassy and that she was a US lackey; that she was too religious; and that her coalition was too disorganized, had no money, and was plagued by in-fighting. In reality, her humility and provincial roots worked for her; she had run a family, a business and been part of the original Junta; the Sandinistas blocked payment of funds to her from the US while simultaneously claiming she received them; and she had long been vocal about her displeasure of US involvement in Nicaragua. According to Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa; Humberto Belli, an editor of La Prensa and later Minister of Education; and other writers such as Edward Sheehan and Shirley Christian who have written about the country, Nicaragua is one of the most religious countries in Latin America.
  • 1987
    Age 57
    When Chamarro took office, she was governing under the Constitution of 1987, which had been drafted by the Sandinistas and provided for a strong executive branch and a weaker, compliant legislature and judiciary.
    More Details Hide Details In 1993, the legislature began to review the constitution to restructure the country's government. After a year of discussion, the changes were submitted to the National Assembly, approved in the first round of voting, and passed in February 1995. The reforms to the Constitution were intended to reduce of the power of the presidency, and included measures to transfer the authority to levy taxes to the legislature, prohibit conscription, guarantee property rights, and curtail the succession of an incumbent or their close family members. Chamorro refused to publish the changes in La Gaceta (the official journal of the legislature) stating that the legislature had overstepped its authority. In response, the legislature published the revisions on its own, effectively creating a situation of dual constitutions. As there was not a quorum, the Supreme Court was unable to act. To solve the situation, the legislators appointed six new justices, but the Court still refused to act, as doing so would be to accept the appointments and thus validate the new constitution. Chamorro choreographed a ruling from the Supreme Court which voided the Assembly's publication of the reforms, provoking the Assembly to refuse to acknowledge the Court's authority. As international investors began to fret over the ensuing instability and evaluate further aid, the Roman Catholic cardinal, Miguel Obando y Bravo, stepped in as mediator and brokered an accord. Chamorro agreed to publish the new constitution, as required by law, and the assembly agreed to allow the president to continue to negotiate foreign aid and tax measures, though no longer by decree.
  • 1986
    Age 56
    In 1986, President Ortega even threatened her personally with a thirty-year prison sentence for treason.
    More Details Hide Details That same year, she won the Louis Lyons Award from the Nieman Foundation at Harvard University; the award citation said that she had "resisted repression and censorship" and remained dedicated to a free press despite threats, redactions and suppression by the government. From 1987, a conglomerate of 14 political parties began working together in the hope of defeating the Sandinistas should an election come about.
  • 1980
    Age 50
    On 19 April 1980, Chamorro resigned from the Junta in opposition to the Sandinista's push for control, implantation of a Cuban interpretation of Marx, and failure to keep the commitments made in Puntarenas, Costa Rica for establishment of a democracy.
    More Details Hide Details Her exit prompted other members of the Junta to resign and join opposition groups that were beginning to form. She returned to her role as editor of La Prensa, driving it to become both an advocate of free speech and opposition thought. Her support of the Contras caused divisions in her own family and resulted in La Prensas offices being temporarily shut down on several occasions.
    In March 1980, FSLN signed several accords with the Soviet Union causing the US President, Jimmy Carter, who had initially authorized aid to the Sandinista government, to approve CIA support for the opposition forces.
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  • FORTIES
  • 1979
    Age 49
    The assassination of Chamorro's husband sparked the Sandinista Revolution. His image became a symbol of their cause and when Daniel Ortega led the Sandinista guerrillas triumphantly into Managua in July 1979, Chamorro was with them.
    More Details Hide Details A coalition to replace the Somoza regime was formed. Chamorro, represented the Democratic Union of Liberation (UDEL) in the first Junta of National Reconstruction (JGRN), which also included Ortega for the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN); Moisés Hassan Morales, of the pro-Sandinista National Patriotic Front (FPN); Luis Alfonso Robelo Callejas, with the Nicaraguan Democratic Movement (MDN); and Sergio Ramirez Mercado for the Group of Twelve. This directorate, which initially promised an independent judiciary, free elections, free enterprise and a free press, was assisted by an 18-member Cabinet and a 33-member Council, whose membership represented a broad spectrum of Nicaraguan society. After years of dictatorship, the country was impoverished and it was believed that a Marxist-style government would restore prosperity; however, the Sandinistas soon began taking over television and radio stations and censoring newspapers. Following the lead of the Sandinista's mentor Fidel Castro, Cuban-style Marxism was implemented and Nicaragua increasingly took on the traits of a police state, in some respects. In others, while the Sandinistas did increase their ties with the Soviet bloc and embraced Marxist philosophy, they announced a non-alignment policy and continued discussions on diplomatic, economic, and military relationships with the United States.
  • 1978
    Age 48
    When her husband was assassinated on 10 January 1978, she took over control of the newspaper.
    More Details Hide Details Over the years, Chamorro's family has been split into feuding factions based upon political association. Two of her children, Pedro and Cristiana, worked at La Prensa, although Pedro left Nicaragua in 1984 to join the Contras. Her other children were active Sandinistas; Claudia was ambassador to Costa Rica and Carlos became the editor of the FSLN daily newspaper Barricada. In spite of the conflicting political views of her children, Chamorro encouraged and hosted family dinners during which she insisted political affiliations were temporarily put aside in the interest of family harmony.
    When he was assassinated in 1978, Chamorro took over the newspaper.
    More Details Hide Details Pedro's murder sparked the Nicaraguan Revolution and his image, as wielded by his widow, became a powerful symbol for the opposition forces. Initially, when the Sandinistas were victorious over Anastasio Somoza García, Chamorro fully supported them. She agreed to become part of the provisional government established under the Junta of National Reconstruction (JGRN); however, when the Junta began moving in a more radical direction and signed agreements with the Soviet Union, Chamorro resigned and returned to the newspaper.
  • TWENTIES
  • 1952
    Age 22
    Chamorro Cardenal was frequently jailed between 1952 and 1957 for the content of the paper and in 1957 led a revolt against Somoza.
    More Details Hide Details His actions resulted in his exile to Costa Rica, where Chamorro joined him after settling their children with his mother. Two years were spent in Costa Rica, with Pedro writing against the regime and immediately upon their return he was jailed again. Chamorro's life throughout the 1960s and 1970s was a repetitive cycle of reunions with either her husband or children. She followed him; if he was forced to leave, she left the children with family and traveled to be with him; if he was jailed, she was reunited with the children and visited him. Chamorro's earnings from a rental property that her mother had given her gave the couple a steady income.
    In 1952, on his father's death, Chamorro's husband inherited the newspaper La Prensa.
    More Details Hide Details He took over publishing and under his direction, the paper became a voice of opposition to the Somoza regime.
  • TEENAGE
  • 1949
    Age 19
    She met Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal in 1949, they married in December 1950; subsequently, they had five children together.
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  • 1945
    Age 15
    She first attended Our Lady of the Lake Catholic High School for Girls in San Antonio, Texas, and then in 1945 changed to Blackstone College for Girls in Virginia.
    More Details Hide Details In June 1947, her father was diagnosed with terminal lung cancer and though he died before she could make it home, she returned to Nicaragua, without graduating in the United States.
  • CHILDHOOD
  • 1929
    Born
    Born on October 18, 1929.
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